I haven’t written about Iraq for a long time, but perhaps I should, in light of a few recent things - Jamie K pointing out that Iraq is now effectively at civil war, while the incident with the British soldiers (captured after dressing up as Arabs, Carry On-style, then busted out in the manner of The A-Team) has brought into sharp relief the militias’ inflitration of the local authorities, while the role of the occupying forces is that of spy and adversary, not as a friend.
Before the war broke out, away from the phoney claims that Iraq possessed workable WMDs, or that it was a backer of organised international terrorism, and avoiding the sinister overtones of neo-imperialism that the “beacon of democracy” and “domino effect” lines, the simple moral case that the Iraqi people had suffered enough under Saddam, and they should be free of him as soon as possible, was the most compelling argument for. Out of all the pro-war people I have talked with, those that believed in the simple moral case of bringing tyrants to justice were the most reasonable and least evasive.
My own potted thesis of how this movement came about follows; it’ll probably get mauled but what the hell, I’m no professional and I’ve never claimed to be. In the 1990s many former Communist Eastern European countries had quickly flourished as democratic nations; South Africa similarly moved to lose the shackles of apartheid. Liberation was in vogue. The movement from totalitarianism to democracy was possible in a matter of a few years.
At the same time, we were given a stark warning of what happens when we let tyranny get away unchecked - the bitter ethnic wars in Croatia and then Bosnia; and on a much larger scale, the horrors of Rwanda. Central to many of these was the shameful inaction of the UN; it became clear that if intervention was needed, then multilateral action would be insufficient. The dissolution of the Eastern Bloc had removed one enemy to freedom, but it was clear that there still many others.
The first Gulf War had shown the might of NATO (i.e. American) military power. Technology and modern tactics turned warfare into a precision, low-personnel activity. Total war was out, “smart bombing” was in. War was no longer the bloody, slow, awful horror that we in Europe had dealt with 60 years ago, but a swift and precise act of surgery.
Emboldened by the success in Eastern Europe, horrified at what happened in the Balkans, and in awe of American military might, the proponents of liberal interventionist argument managed to construct a compelling case. It had a clear and unobjectionable motive (freedom for the Iraqi people), the means to achieve it were certain to succeed (given the predominance of the American military) and the eventual result promised to be a bright future.
Of course, it could perhaps be seen that not every liberation story has been a success; Russia’s vast oil fortunes made it the target of rapacious “businessmen” who have made themselves billionaires. The ethnic and religous divides and extreme poverty of central Asia have led to civil wars and a return to brutal dicatorship. American post-Cold War military power was not always invincible (as shown in Somalia) - and of course, administering and reforming a country is very different from attacking it, and the current American government showed little interest in it.
When, two and a half years ago, Colonel Tim Collins gave that speech of “liberation, not oppression“, I thought wow, the liberal interventionist movement has got some high-up followers! and there was a brief buzz of optimism that maybe the war I opposed would be brief and beneficial, and I would be proven wrong. But I was wrong - and to make things much worse, even Collins himself now doubts his own words.
With it clear to everyone now that Iraq is slipping into something far worse than what even Saddam and sanctions did to it. Occupying troops are largely powerless in a lawless Iraq underminded by ethnic and religious tension (remember when everyone said that Syria was next on the list? Not now). Thousands of people have died. And there is no end in sight. Some of the pro-war types have shifted targets - when not stalking George Galloway, they’ve moved away from targeting a secular Ba’athist fascist state to the more nebulous and complex “Islamofascism” (a portmanteau I have reservations about using, as I don’t see Islamic extremism as the same as fascism, in both its roots and its aims - but that’s another blog post for another time). But I’m still curious; do they still believe that democracy can be quickly delivered through military intervention? Was it that convinced them it was possible in Iraq? I could surmise it down to simple naïvety, or narrow-mindedness (or maybe they were all just lying to me), but that wouldn’t be totally fair.
The reason why I ask is not to triumphalise (which would be crass given the 25,000+ casualties of this war), but rather to try and think of a way out of this mess. Not least because of Iraq’s own troubles, but for the sake of everyone else’s too. The Iraq war was a mistake. If those of us who want to see liberty and democracy flourish across the globe want to see it in our lifetimes, then we have to learn from that mistake. We have to realise the folly in automatically believing in the efficacy of military action, and should realise that liberty, though absolutely desirable, is not always achievable so quickly and smoothly.
Right, flame away.